Dari blog Tun Faisal
Sejarah mencatatkan bahawa MCA telah melakukan begitu banyak perkara untuk masyarakat Cina dan keharmonian negara ini, jauh lebih banyak daripada yang dilakukan oleh DAP. Sedangkan DAP dan Lim Kit Siang sendiri terus diingati sebagai pencetus ketegangan kaum sejak 1969. Dari segi track record pula, rakyat, malah orang Cina sendiri mengakui wakil rakyat DAP bukan wakil rakyat yang rajin turun padang dan efektif dalam menyelesaikan masalah mereka di kawasan Parlimen dan DUN masing-masing. MCA adalah betul, jika itu pilihan orang Cina, maka mereka perlu bertanggung jawab atas pilihan mereka.
Hari ini di kalangan sesetengah orang Melayu dan bukan Cina, terdapat prejudis bahawa orang Cina bijak bermuka-muka dan tidak mengotakan kata mereka. Saya percaya bukan semua orang Cina begitu. Masih ramai di kalangan orang Cina yang boleh kita yakini sebagai sahabat, tetapi apa boleh buat, persepsi yang terbentuk selepas PRU13 sudah begitu. Persepsi ini mungkin terbentuk kerana ada yang merasa tertipu dengan sandiwara yang ditunjukkan oleh sejumlah masyarakat Cina sebelum dan semasa tempoh berkempen PRU13. Selepas sandiwara yang begitu hebat, siapa pun, tidak kira kaum atau agama, akan merasa dikhianati dan berhak merasa marah.
Sebagai rakyat yang pernah bersekolah di Ipoh, saya tidak pernah merasa sebarang jasa wakil rakyat DAP yang secara tradisinya memenangi kerusi Parlimen dan DUN di sana. Sepanjang ingatan saya, mereka tidak pernah tunjuk muka; apa lagi untuk memberi hadiah kecemerlangan akademik dan sukan. Bagaimanapun oleh kerana ia pilihan majoriti masyarakat Cina di Ipoh, maka rakyat terpaksa menerima apa sahaja kesan dari pilihan itu.
Jadi tindakan MCA amat TEPAT. Jika DAP dilihat lebih efektif daripada MCA, maka manfaatkan sebaiknya pilihan anda!
Chinese organisations should adjust their thinking — Lim Sue Goan
MAY 30, 2013
MAY 30 — Obviously, Chinese organisations have not been able to adapt to the new political situation after the general election. They have been worried about not having Chinese representatives in the Cabinet while continuing to hold a “fighting alone” attitude.
BN has failed to regain the two-thirds majority in Parliament in the recent general election after losing the support of urban, Chinese and young voters. Therefore, tough voices within Umno have dominated the party. From now on until the party election scheduled at the end of this year, the BN government’s attitude is expected to remain uncertain.
It is afraid that the talk on the recognition of UEC between Dong Zong and Prime Minister Datuk Seri Najib Razak before the election would be shelved. It is also believed to be difficult to realise Dong Zong’s plan to fight for another Chinese independent school in Pahang.
Meanwhile, the MCA insists on not joining the Cabinet after performing worse than in the previous election. With the lack of representatives who are familiar with Chinese affairs in the Cabinet, the interests of Chinese community in various fields might be neglected if no other measures are taken.
The coordinate approach in the past is no longer applicable and new social forces have risen. If Chinese organisations do not adjust their thinking, they would be marginalised.
Chinese organisations should not act recklessly or it might backfire. It would not only fail to bring expected effects, but would also exacerbate the conservative atmosphere. Chinese organisations should not alienate themselves from civil society either.
BN has gained a narrow victory and is now in a defensive state. It needs an adjustment period. Therefore, Chinese organisations should fight with skills, so that BN, particularly Umno, can face the political reality and walk towards openness, rather than retreating.
BN’s momentum is currently weak, meaning that the momentum of civil society, alternative coalition and non-governmental organisations is strong. Therefore, Chinese organisations should join civil society to combine forces so that Chinese issues, including Chinese education, would no longer only be a matter of a “small circle”.
To integrate into civil society and establish contact with other NGOs, Chinese organisations should first remove racial strategies, namely try to avoid taking a racial standpoint when making demands, and from the fair governance and reasonable treatment perspective, fight for everyone’s resonance with data and realities.
Fair governance is the government’s responsibility. If they can combine with the forces of Indian organisations to bring up the plight of Chinese and Tamil schools and make it a common demand of civil society, Dong Zong would then no longer feel weak. Since they might not be able to have an effective dialogue with the government at the moment, while Deputy Education Minister Datuk Mary Yap does not understand Chinese, conveying the wishes of the Chinese community through the Parliament should then be another option.
Pakatan Rakyat now has 89 MPs in the Dewan Rakyat and the government must respect Parliament. Therefore, Chinese organisations could bring up the issues in Parliament through DAP or other Pakatan Rakyat MPs, or talk to ministers and senior officials in the corridors of Parliament.
Bringing up the issue through Parliament could also let the Malay community know the problems faced by the minorities and avoid the issues from being racialised.
Working with civil society forces could promote democratic progress and prompt BN to change education system and policies. Dong Zong organised five rallies last year with the hope of achieving the objective of policy reforms. Under the new political circumstances, Dong Zong should adjust its strategy.
Therefore, instead of making noises within its own circle and cause unnecessary friction, it is better to find a way to overcome difficulties and develop a wider road for Chinese education.
Flexibility is what the Chinese organisations should have. — mysinchew.com
* This is the personal opinion of the writer or publication and does not necessarily represent the views of The Malaysian Insider.
